Georgian Nightmare: How the Ruling Party Stole the 2024 Parliamentary Election
Tbilisi, Georgia - Masked thugs of the regime played a key role by intimidating the electorate at polling stations nationwide.
2/22/2025
By: Daniel Miller
“All the job was done days before the election,” explained election commission member Gvantsa Kvinikadze. “They were aware of all the vulnerabilities of the villagers. They were threatening people, they were bribing them, and they used all the leverage, whatever they had. And when these people arrived at the voting poll, they already knew what to do.”
Last October’s Georgian parliamentary election was rife with allegations of election rigging by the ruling Georgian Dream (GD) party. Accounts like Gvantsa’s were common for hundreds of citizens who volunteered to receive training as election observers and commission members in an attempt to counter the imbalance of partisan election workers in the villages, many of whom expressed outright support for GD.
For this analysis, I received a trove of evidence from head election observers, which corroborated many of the allegations made surrounding the election. The information was also used in reporting by several multinational security organizations, such as the International Republican Institute (IPI) and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) among others. Mathematical and statistical evidence was also given to me, which I found to be the most fascinating. Based on the Central Election Commission’s (CEC) own numbers, a Gaussian Distribution model using two different methods was used to simulate vote distribution for the ruling party. According to the simulations, Georgian Dream would have needed to manipulate 82,416 votes to reach a 50% majority. Both methods ranged in their numbers, but both concluded that the most probable number of manipulated votes was approximately 175,000.
How did the ruling party manage to (allegedly) pull this off? By combining tried-and-true, Soviet-style intimidation tactics and lessons from present-day examples worldwide. The strategic playbook is usually the same while the tactics must be adjusted to exploit the current political climate. Readers in the North American continent might be more incredulous than Europeans in accepting these claims, but this has been the unfortunate reality for the Georgian people as well as other former Soviet Republics and Eastern Bloc nations for far too long. While these practices have largely disappeared in the European continent, Georgia was recently launched back forty years, when the Soviets were especially brutal in their responses to the Zviadist nationalist movement that played a significant role in the breakup of the Soviet Union.
The claims of election rigging mentioned below are from the election report provided to me along with interviews from election observers, although there were too many to include all of them. Almost two weeks before publication, emails were sent to four different agencies within the Georgian government requesting a response about the evidence that was in my possession. I received no response.
Control the Media, Control the Narrative
“They are demonizing the West whenever possible.”
Georgian Jim, election observer speaking under anonymity
Controlling the flow of information is vital for shaping a reality favorable to the regime and guiding the public’s decision-making. The ruling party has to maintain a strong image as the only protectorate from vague yet dangerous external threats. In Georgia’s case, Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze has repeatedly referenced the “Global War Party” as the biggest threat to the country’s sovereignty, driven by “liberal fascist” forces from Europe and the United States. Contradictory terms don’t matter as long as they evoke some kind of negative connotation and are associated with obscure opposition forces. There is also deep animosity towards non-governmental organizations, colloquially known as NGOs, because they financially support independent media outlets critical of the ruling party while promoting democratic values and teaching journalistic integrity.
Months before the October election, GD passed a law referred to by many as the “foreign agents law,” which mandates that any journalist or news outlet receiving more than 20% of its funding from international sources must register as a foreign agent. The move specifically targeted NGOs and independent media outlets, sparking nationwide outrage that led to thousands taking to the streets in protest for 52 days, from April to June. “NGOs are not controlled by the government, and that's what they don't like,” said Gvantsa Kvinikadze, a researcher for an NGO in Tbilisi, the capital city. “Georgia is a developing country, and the role of NGOs has been crucial for the last decades in terms of rule of law, democracy, and educational programs. Health programs depend on international support, and therefore NGOs.”
The Fox News of Georgia, Imedi, whose sole purpose of existence is preventing the opposition from assuming power, serves as one of the most prominent news outlets in the country. While still positioning itself as independent from government influence, Imedi appeals to older generations, villagers who have limited internet access, and anti-Western conspiracy theorists who are always quick to blame George Soros, the CIA, and of course the US Democratic Party for everything bad – even natural disasters such as the 2021 Rioni River flood. “They are the main source of propaganda,” said Georgian Jim.
Regime mouthpieces like Imedi demonize opposition parties and NGOs, foster collective hatred towards the LGBTQ community, and propagate baseless conspiracy theories, such as the collective West will somehow force a weak Georgian military to attack Russia on behalf of Ukraine if the ruling party loses power. The irony is that while GD fuels anti-Western sentiment, it simultaneously promises swift accession into the European Union (EU) once elected – a goal that has the support of 85% of the population. Those who didn’t support EU integration were also much more likely to support GD, probably because they knew – as many others said when I pointed out the policy – that “they’re full of shit” (I heard that same line repeated in response for months).
Threats and physical attacks on journalists were quite common in 2024. According to Transparency International, approximately 40 attacks on journalists occurred before the October 26th election, and approximately 160 more were documented in November and December.
Coerce and Bribe Ambivalent Villagers
“It quickly became clear that nearly everyone there had either been blackmailed or bribed. Even the committee members from opposition parties openly declared their intention to support [Georgian Dream].”
Keso Baramidze, election observer
With very few reliable exceptions such as Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador, a political maxim is that urban residents overwhelmingly vote for the more liberal reform candidates while those in rural areas are more reliable for the status quo. Georgian Dream’s path to victory required systematic intimidation and voter manipulation targeting rural areas in general and the elderly population in particular. Party members exploited vulnerable and elderly people in villages across the country using various bribery and coercion techniques.
Administrative resources were heavily exploited for electoral gain as they used state-funded social, economic, and infrastructure programs to polish their image and bolster support. “Some of them were saying that they fixed their roofs, some water pipes in their neighborhood, which is the job of the municipality, said Gvantsa, “but these things were represented as something that, personally, certain local politicians were doing for them.”
Bribes were also common but meager, mostly ranging from the equivalent of $4 USD to $20 USD. “We saw them handing out money, but when we tried to document it, they moved away or hid what they were doing,” said election observer Keso Baramidze. “People knew if they didn’t vote for GD, they would lose social assistance.”
“I myself personally witnessed … Money given by an election official to a citizen,” said Davit, another election observer.
With their families having moved elsewhere for better opportunities, many elderly villagers cannot afford personal transportation and often have to walk long distances to the nearest bus stop. Gvantsa claimed that Georgian Dream affiliates knew who to pick up because at many polling places, there were “women seated with lists and cell phones, marking them” as they exited the voting booth.
She also witnessed voters thanking local government officials who were simultaneously serving as election commission members. “I didn't know what they were grateful for, but it was obvious for me that they've been offered some services or something was done for them before elections … it was clear who they were going to vote for.”
Intimidate the Electorate and Attack the Opposition
“I witnessed physical violence against an observer. I protected this kid, and I was surrounded myself, [feeling] threatened by physical violence. I have personally made several phone calls on this matter, reporting a clear and present danger … No reaction from the police.”
Davit, election observer
There were over 500 reported cases of politically motivated crimes in the months prior and through election day, most of which occurred in rural areas. In one of the eastern villages where Keso was stationed – as was the case in rural areas across the country – there were “around 30-70 policemen and titushki (state-sponsored masked thugs in civilian clothes) gathered in the yard, despite this being against the law.” She soon received a video from the son of an opposition committee member secretly exposing the exchange of money between voters and party affiliates. After posting it to social media per his request, the video gained enough attention that she agreed to give an interview to Radio Free Europe. However, after the interview, the same man who sent the video called her phone, letting her know that he “was coming to Tbilisi to cut my throat. He wanted this video to disappear.”
Keso later discovered that he was the godson of Georgian Dream deputy Vazha Mamisashvili, “meaning his mother was only pretending to be in the opposition. It all made sense then: her presence in the opposition was just a facade. This man isn’t just a politician,” she continued, “he owns half of Gurjaani’s land and is one of the two main feudal lords of Kakheti (eastern region).” More about Vazha in the next section.
Sending imposing groups of loitering men was a common intimidation tactic used by the regime in rural areas across the country. In the eastern village of Jimiti, Gvantsa also witnessed three separate groups of men standing in front of the polling entrance, which she described as “stressful,” especially for opposition supporters.
Opposition members, voters, and journalists were repeatedly targeted with threats and insults. From August 3rd to September 19th, seven reports were made by opposition leaders who were either attacked by titushki, beaten and detained by police, or faced physical confrontations with party loyalists. Damages to property and government restrictions on opposition political activities only exacerbated tensions in an already hostile environment.
Passports and ID cards were reportedly confiscated and returned after the election. This happened to multiple cleaning service employees in Rustavi, 31 people in Tsnori, and in the small city of Zugdidi. Inside the polling stations, high-resolution cameras were installed in places that clearly violated voter secrecy. Many party loyalists cosplaying as election commission members pressured voters by skipping over other ballots cast for the opposition coalition.
Manipulate the Voting Process
“It was anything but free elections from my point of view because people were not making free choice, they were manipulated, they were forced and they were threatened by local government, who has access to entire information regarding these families and households.”
Gvantsa Kvinikadze
The Central Election Commission (CEC), a nominally independent body that certifies election results, maintained exclusive control over election technology, including software, voter lists, and device operations. The CEC blatantly disregarded voter secrecy and obstructed independent oversight by controlling the voting machines along with the electronic voter registration and verification systems, which rarely worked. This forced manual input and greatly increased the risk of fraud. There were also many cases of faulty electronic voting systems, allowing the risk of fraudulent ID cards and multiple votes cast.
Unexplained high-speed internet disruptions at polling stations raised concerns about real-time vote monitoring and potential manipulation since the business was subsequently conducted while connected to hotspots from Georgian Dreams reps and affiliates. Ballot stuffing was also reported in various parts of the country, including one that was caught on video.
During the subsequent protests that occurred throughout the few weeks after the election, white shirts and beanies were passed around with a black dot in the center. I grabbed a beanie and asked about the black dot, to which I was told symbolizes the ink that bled through the thin paper ballots. Keso witnessed this firsthand, telling me that “It was blatantly obvious to everyone whether a person voted for [Georgian Dream] or not…”
Out of the 15 observers at one polling station in Gurjaani, located in the eastern Kakheti region, she said that “13 were openly pro-Georgian Dream.” One of them was no other than the aforementioned Vazha Mamisashvili, who “greeted every voter with kisses on their cheeks.” She described Vazha’s behavior as “arrogant,” and that he was “acting like a god” because “he clearly knew he was winning the day. Many voters openly showed their choice to [him] and the committee members, making it clear who they were supporting.” As she confronted him to ask why he was “acting as if he thought he was a god,” he replied that he was “the god of the people of Gurjaani.” In a desperate act of fealty, the head of the committee overheard her question, rushed over, and with a “high-pitched voice meant for Vazha to hear,” proclaimed, “Mr. Vazha is our god!”
Party operatives and Members of Parliament were actively patrolling the polling stations, crossing names from lists coercing voters by calling them until they arrived. Georgian Jim recalled one voter yelling back “You forced me to come here and now you aren’t letting me to vote how I want?!”
According to the CEC, there were 95,834 registered voters living abroad. Despite the government announcement claiming voting access was expanded to Georgians outside the country, the right to vote was restricted for many. Stations were only open in cities with diplomatic ties with at least 50 registered voters, and the purging of voter rolls played a significant role in these decisions. There was an especially high demand to open polling stations in the US, but the chosen locations ensured voters faced lengthy travel distances. Lawsuits from two coalition organizations were introduced but subsequently denied.
Declare an Early Victory
“The party told you to reject the evidence of your eyes and ears. It was their final, most essential command.”
George Orwell, 1984
"Irregularities happen everywhere, in every country"
Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze, BBC interview regarding the election
Ruling parties tend to reveal themselves as either honest or dishonest actors by the way they respond to the public’s allegations on election night. It should always raise suspicion if the leader becomes defensive when asked about irregularities that could have compromised the integrity of the results instead of calling for an investigation and, if necessary, a new round of elections. It happened recently with Bolivia’s Evo Morales in 2019 and Ukraine’s Viktor Yanukovych in 2004. Those who are more concerned about remaining in power than respecting the democratic will of the people take the opposite approach in an effort to obscure the truth, such as President Trump’s pathetic attempt at declaring victory the night of the 2020 election despite millions of votes still having left to be counted.
On the evening of election night, with 30% of the vote still uncounted, Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze announced victory for his party after supposedly reaching 52%. Before the anti-ruling party stronghold of Tbilisi even released any numbers, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán was the first of several authoritarian leaders to send a congratulatory message to the party that night. President Salome Zourabichvili declared the results as a “total falsification” of the vote. The following days, members of the opposition coalition refused to sign the results, declaring them as illegitimate.
Pack the Courts and Election Commission with Loyalists
“The most odious tyranny is not that which is openly exercised by the people who claim to rule, but that which is imposed under the disguise of law and justice.”
Robert Jackson, US Supreme Court Justice, Nuremberg Prosecutor
Georgian Dream has been the ruling party for over a decade. During their time, the country has experienced democratic backsliding in many more ways than highlighted above, but also due to its weakening of judicial independence. The party has spent years further solidifying control by amending the ways that the Supreme Court and lower courts operate. This includes expanding the powers of the High Council of Justice, allowing the ruling party to appoint judges without any real opposition or meaningful oversight, limiting judicial independence through legislative challenges, and ensuring long-term tenure for loyalist judges.
The CEC has become increasingly politicized over the years. Loyal officials were eventually legally allowed to be appointed without opposition support, repeatedly certified election results despite widespread allegations of fraud and vote manipulation, and dismissed virtually every electoral complaint while refusing to conduct investigations. After October 26th, eleven lawsuits were filed by the opposition coalition but were all quickly dismissed by the courts. During a meeting to validate the recent election results, in an act of protest, opposition politician Davit Kirtadze threw black paint in the face of the CEC Chairman, Giorgi Kalandarishvili, as he shouted, “You are the shame of our country, you are a black spot!” He was subsequently fined the equivalent of $180 USD and banned from participating in the CEC for four years.
According to dozens of reports, administrative charges and sometimes prison sentences have been levied against every targeted protester, activist, and political opponent since November 28th. All of these charges have occurred after most of them were subjected to severe and malicious beatings and even torture by masked police officers with no insignia as to identify them. There have been zero police officers held accountable due to the zero investigations having been conducted. Here is a recent video of a policeman rehearsing his lines before the court during the trial of activist Gela Khasaia.
Saving Georgian Democracy
“We can have democracy in this country, or we can have great wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we can't have both.”
Louis D. Brandeis, US Supreme Court Justice
Although it took months of tepid condemnation and mediocre rounds of sanctions, the European Parliament has finally declared its official stance of non-recognition towards the Georgian government. This likely would have never happened if weren’t for the brave Georgian people who have been protesting nightly since PM Kobakhidze made his fateful announcement. As the Ministry of Internal Affairs has dialed back its brutality against protesters after almost 500 experienced severe beatings, Georgian Dream has continued to pass stricter laws each round criminalizing certain aspects of protesting, such as fines for wearing a face covering and potential years of prison time if the police arbitrarily decide that there aren’t enough people to sufficiently block the road.
People have responded in typical Eastern European fashion, like walking back and forth in mass over crosswalks and wearing face coverings depicting the face of billionaire oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili – the party’s founder, financier, and de facto ruler of the country. While sanctions have been imposed on him by the U.S., Ukraine, and other individual EU member states, the collective body of the EU is hamstrung by Hungary’s Orbán and Slovakian Prime Minister Rober Fico, two reliably pro-Russian stooges who have blocked every proposed sanctions package against the oligarch. However, there is one man who has the unilateral authority to impose crippling sanctions against Ivanishvili: British Foreign Secretary David Lammy.
The UK is no longer part of the EU thanks to the consequential BREXIT movement, but Ivanishvili’s financial empire stretches across Great Britain and its overseas territories. Imposing sanctions would effectively cut off all of the party’s funding, likely leading to its collapse. In theory, this would force the ruling party to concede holding a new round of parliamentary elections monitored under international observers. The release of all political prisoners is another demand of the protesters. It remains to be seen in practice, but it seems to be the only way peaceful way forward at this juncture.
The Georgian people are slowly choking to death under the grip of yet another megalomaniacal oligarch who is desperate to maintain his power and influence. Tourism has declined, slowly dragging the broader economy down as a result. Dozens of videos show police officers watching people attacked by masked titushki thugs in front of them and then walking away when the public yells out. The government’s legitimacy has eroded, and the Georgia’s institutions are crumbling under the weight of massive continued protests paired with rapid democratic backsliding.
Its independent media landscape is also on its last legs after the recent cruel, corrupt, and unconstitutional decision by the Trump Administration to eliminate USAID. This move, driven by another unelected billionaire, threatens the last line of defense against the regime’s manufactured and conspiratorial narrative.
As the one leader with the power to act, David Lammy must listen to Members of Parliament like James MacCleary, whose recent proposal calling for sanctions against Ivanishvili has already garnered the support from 26 other MPs. The Georgian people simply will not give up this fight against another round of authoritarian encroachment just as the Ukrainians will never surrender to the same fascist forces. David Lammy needs to impose sanctions now before another generation is lost to oppressive rule.
